Review
Recent advances in intergroup contact theory

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Abstract

Recent advances in intergroup contact theory and research are reviewed. A meta-analysis with 515 studies and more than 250,000 subjects demonstrates that intergroup contact typically reduces prejudice (mean r = −.21). Allport's original conditions for optimal contact – equal status, common goals, no intergroup competition, and authority sanction – facilitate the effect but are not necessary conditions. There are other positive outcomes of intergroup contact, such as greater trust and forgiveness for past transgressions. These contact effects occur not only for ethnic groups but also for such other groups as homosexuals, the disabled and the mentally ill. Intergroup friendship is especially important. Moreover, these effects typically generalize beyond the immediate outgroup members in the situation to the whole outgroup, other situations, and even to other outgroups not involved in the contact. They also appear to be universal – across nations, genders, and age groups. The major mediators of the effect are basically affective: reduced anxiety and empathy. And even indirect contact reduces prejudice – vicarious contact through the mass media and having a friend who has an outgroup friend. Of course, negative contact occurs – especially when it is non-voluntary and threatening. Criticisms of the theory and policy implications are also discussed.

Highlights

► Meta-analysis on 515 studies finds intergroup contact reduces prejudice (mean r = −.21). ► Allport's optimal conditions facilitate but are not necessary for the effect. ► Other positive effects emerge from intergroup contact including greater intergroup trust. ► Prejudice-reducing effects of intergroup contact appear to be universal. ► Major mediators of intergroup contact's effects are affective.

Introduction

Social psychology has in recent years made major advances in understanding the complex dynamics of intergroup contact. Intergroup contact is obviously a central topic for both researchers and practitioners in the field of intercultural relations. What was originally a modest “contact hypothesis” put forward by Allport (1954) has now developed into a full-blown theory of considerable complexity. And the number of research investigations on the topic has increased rapidly – especially recently – as shown in Fig. 1. This paper provides an overview of these advances in our understanding of intergroup contact.

Popular opinion about intergroup contact is split. Some hold that contact between groups only causes conflict; “good fences make good neighbors” is their contention. Others believe intergroup interaction is an essential part of any remedy for reducing prejudice and conflict between groups. So this intensively studied area of social psychology is marked by controversy and is directly relevant for such policy issues as school desegregation and affirmative action.

Section snippets

A brief history of the theory

The newly emerging discipline of social psychology of the 1930s and 1940s soon began to study intergroup contact. This interest followed from the field's focus on intergroup relations and interaction between people within a social context.

Observations of racial conflict drew interest in contact. One of the worst race riots in U.S. history occurred in Detroit in 1943. But while Black and White mobs raged in the streets, Blacks and Whites who knew each other not only refrained from violence but

Does intergroup contact typically reduce prejudice?

Early reviews of the vast contact research literature reached conflicting conclusions regarding the likely effects of intergroup contact. Numerous reviews showed general support for contact theory, suggesting that intergroup contact typically reduces intergroup prejudice (Cook, 1984, Harrington and Miller, 1992, Jackson, 1993, Patchen, 1999, Pettigrew, 1971, Pettigrew, 1986, Pettigrew, 1998). However, other reviews reached more mixed conclusions (Amir, 1969, Amir, 1976, Forbes, 1997, Forbes,

Testing Allport's key situational conditions

The meta-analysis also revealed that Allport's optimal contact conditions facilitated, but were not essential to, the decrease in prejudice. In Fig. 5, we see that those samples that were rated as having most of Allport's optimal conditions have significantly greater prejudice reduction effects (−.29) than those without these conditions. But note that even when Allport's conditions are not met, intergroup contact on average still diminishes prejudice (−.20).

Contact's effects on many different dependent variables

Moreover, many types of intergroup prejudice have been studied and found to be lessened by contact – subtle as well as blatant prejudice, implicit association as well as direct measures. There is, however, great heterogeneity in effect sizes, with such affective measures as liking revealing significantly larger effects than such cognitive indicators as stereotypes (Tropp & Pettigrew, 2005b). In short, we may come to like the outgroup even while our stereotypes of the outgroup persist.

Many

Contact's across many target groups suggests a mere exposure effect

These positive effects emerged not only for racial and ethnic target groups for whom the original theory was devised, but also for other, often stigmatized groups – such as homosexuals, the disabled and the mentally ill (Fig. 6). This wide applicability suggests that contact effects may be linked to such basic processes as the “mere exposure” effect. Experimenters have repeatedly shown that greater exposure to targets, in and of itself, can significantly enhance liking for those targets (

The special importance of cross-group friendship

The contentions of intergroup contact theory are further supported by the special importance of cross-group friendship in promoting positive contact effects (Pettigrew, 1998, Pettigrew and Tropp, 2006). Friendship invokes many of the optimal conditions for positive contact effects: it typically involves cooperation and common goals as well as repeated equal-status contact over an extended period and across varied settings. Friendship also facilitates self-disclosure; and self-disclosure is an

But do these established effects generalize?

If contact effects do not generalize beyond the immediate situation, then intergroup contact is obviously of limited value for social policy. Consequently, social psychologists have sought to understand whether intergroup contact effects generalize to the entire groups involved, to new situations, and even to outgroups not involved in the original contact situation.

The meta-analysis found that contact effects typically do generalize to the entire groups involved (Pettigrew and Tropp, 2006,

How universal are these contact effects?

Are these intergroup contact effects limited to particular categories of people – the young, or females or Americans? The straightforward answer is “no.” The meta-analytic findings reveal a remarkable universality of intergroup effects. Thus, the mean correlations across age groups only vary between −.20 and −.24. Similarly, the mean correlations for separate samples of females and males are −.21 and −.19 respectively, though most samples included both gender groups. Moreover, we do not observe

When and how do these contact effects occur?

We have seen how Allport's optimal conditions specify when intergroup contact is likely to have its most positive effects. His situational specifications all moderate the contact and prejudice relationship. Later research has uncovered additional moderators. Thus, prejudice is more likely to be diminished when the intergroup contact is not superficial and group salience is sufficiently high.

To answer how intergroup contact generally has positive effects, separate meta-analyses have been

Indirect contact effects

Intergroup contact can also trigger a process of indirect effects. Studies in Italy, Germany, Northern Ireland and the U.S. demonstrate that simply having ingroup friends who have outgroup friends relates to diminished prejudice (Paolini et al., 2004, Pettigrew et al., 2007, Wright et al., 2008, Wright et al., 1997). In short, the friend of my friend is my friend.

This phenomenon is partly a result of changing norms. Seeing your friend have close contact with an outgroup person helps to make it

Negative intergroup contact effects

Not all intergroup contact reduces prejudice. Some situations engender enhanced prejudice. Such negative intergroup contact has received less research attention, but renewed consideration to the issue has shed light on this phenomenon. Negative contact typically involves situations where the participants feel threatened and did not choose to have the contact (Pettigrew & Tropp, 2011). These situations frequently occur in work environments where intergroup competition exists as well as in

Criticisms of intergroup contact theory

Some critics of intergroup contact theory seem not to understand the theory. They mistakenly believe that intergroup contact theory simply predicts positive outcomes under all conditions. But important criticisms have been leveled by more informed critics (Pettigrew & Tropp, 2011). For instance, Forbes, 1997, Forbes, 2004, a Canadian political scientist, acknowledges that intergroup contact often lowers prejudice at the individual level of analysis; but he holds that it fails to operate at the

Policy implications of intergroup contact theory

Specialists specifically deny that intergroup contact is a panacea for intergroup conflict (Hewstone, 2003). But it is clear that cross-group contact is an essential, if insufficient, component for lasting remedies. Strict segregation between groups, limiting positive intergroup contact, has failed around the globe. From the southern United States, Northern Ireland, and Israel to India and South Africa, intergroup separation guarantees smoldering resentment and eventual conflict. But with

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    An earlier version of this paper was delivered by the first author at the Academy's meeting at the University of Hawaii, August 25, 2009, upon receipt of the Academy's Lifetime Achievement Award.

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